2
A Century of Maturity, 1252--1350

[20]The vicissitudes of the century following the death of Fernando III prompted his successors to convene the cortes frequently, thereby further shaping its structure and defining its competence. Kings sought the counsel of the cortes on several great issues that persisted throughout this epoch. First among them was the continuing threat of Islam. Not only was there a substantial Muslim population still to be absorbed or replaced, but the loyalty of the king of Granada was never absolute, and the Marinid emirs of Morocco began a sustained effort in the late thirteenth century to seize control of the ports on the Straits of Gibraltar, which gave access to Spain.
The increasingly aggressive attitude of the nobility, emboldened by the riches of the reconquest, also posed a serious threat to royal authority. Charging that their customs were being violated, the nobles resisted royal efforts at legal innovation. Two royal minorities gave them extraordinary opportunities to utilize the agencies of government for their own profit, as did the continuing dispute over the succession. For [21] nearly thirty years, this dispute kept the kingdom in a state of civil disorder, enabling Castiles peninsular neighbors and the kingdom of France to intervene in the hope of securing advantages for themselves. In contending with these problems the monarchy employed the cortes as an instrument of moral, military, and financial support. As a consequence, the cortes played a vital and sometimes vigorous role in the political life of the kingdom.
Alfonso X: Years of Hope (1252-1272)
Repopulation of the newly conquered zones and the incorporation of the mudejars (the subject Muslim population) into the kingdom of Castile was the first task facing Alfonso X (1252-1284). He also had to contend with the enormous inflation that plagued the kingdom for many years. An ambitious ruler, Alfonso X planned to invade North Africa, and by reviving old Leonese imperial pretensions he hoped to lord it over his peninsular neighbors. Reaching farther afield, he claimed the Holy Roman Empire as a great-grandson of Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. All this required the outlay of substantial sums of money, resulting in the development of a system of extraordinary taxation and the repeated convocation of the cortes to consent to it.(1)
A charter of 2 March 1254, citing an assembly held according to custom at Toledo, is the first royal document to use the word cortes.(2) Referring to the same assembly on 5 May 1255, Alfonso X indicated what he understood by that term when he spoke of having celebrated a general court (generalis curia) with his brothers, the archbishops and bishops, the barons and chief men (optimates) of his court, and the procurators of cities and towns designated by their communities.(3)
In the first twenty years of Alfonso Xs reign, the term cortes was used explicitly with reference to the assemblies of Toledo 1254, Burgos 1254, Toledo 1259,(4) Seville 1261,(5) and Burgos 1269.(6) In attendance at the first four cortes were the kings brothers, the archbishops, bishops, magnates, and good men of the towns (and in 1261 the masters of the military orders, abbots, and knights). These, then, were the people one would expect to find in the cortes. As their presence was also recorded at Seville in 1252-1253 and Valladolid in 1258, those convocations can also rightly be described as cortes.(7)
These assemblies between 1252 and 1269 were plenary or general[22] cortes embracing all the realms, although the evidence is not explicit for Burgos 1254 or 1269, and there is the possibility that the cortes of Seville 1252-1253 was actually two successive regional cortes for Castile and León. The assembly of Jerez 1268 may have been a plenary cortes, inasmuch as merchants and good men from all the kingdoms were present, but the full participation of prelates and magnates is uncertain.(8)
The nature of the assembly held at Palencia in May 1255 is unclear, but it may also have been a plenary cortes. Later in October of that year the king met the bishops at Valladolid.(9) Towns mainly from Extremadura were assembled at Segovia in 1256 and Seville in 1264.(10)
All told, Alfonso X convened twelve assemblies during the first twenty years of his reign. Seven of them were clearly plenary cortes (Seville 1252-1253, Toledo 1254, Burgos 1254, Valladolid 1258, Toledo 1259, Seville 1261, Burgos 1269); two others may have been (Palencia 1255, Jerez 1268); two were regional assemblies of towns (Segovia 1256, Seville 1264), and one was a meeting of bishops (Valladolid 1255). Other assemblies may have been summoned but certain evidence of their existence is not at hand.
In his first cortes at Seville in the fall of 1252, Alfonso X laid down the general lines of an economic policy aimed at alleviating inflation, conserving natural resources, and maintaining a favorable balance of trade. The repetition of these articles, with some variations, in the cortes of Valladolid in January 1258, of Seville in January 1261, and in the assembly of Jerez in January 1268, suggests that these were chronic problems not easily corrected. Nearly every group in society, moreover, felt aggrieved by Alfonso Xs economic restraints.(11)
His alteration of the laws by which men lived provoked a similarly negative reaction. Intending to ameliorate the confusion created by a variety of laws, Alfonso X ordered the preparation of two new codes of law--the Espéculo de las Leyes, to be used in the royal court, and the Fuero real for the towns of Castile and Extremadura. Both were probably promulgated in the cortes of Toledo in the spring of 1254.(12) At Segovia in 1256, Alfonso X reminded the Extremaduran towns that because they did not have an adequate municipal law he had given them the Fuero real. Soon after, work began on the Siete Partidas, but it does not seem to have been promulgated during Alfonso Xs reign.(13) As a result of these innovations in the law, the king was accused of trampling on tradition, and later had to endure a major confrontation in the cortes.
Confusion over the succession to Alfonso Xs throne also [23] contributed to the uncertainty of his later years. His daughter, Berenguela, was duly acknowledged as his heir by the cortes of Toledo 1254, and together with her betrothed, Prince Louis of France, Berenguela received the homage and fealty of the assembled estates at Palencia in May 1255.(14) The cortes apparently was not convened to acknowledge the kings son, Fernando de la Cerda, born in October 1255, but his marriage to Blanche, the daughter of King Louis IX of France, was celebrated in the cortes of Burgos on 30 November 1269.(15) Fernandos tragic death in 1275 abruptly reopened the question of the succession, but that is best discussed later in this chapter.
The near completion of the peninsular reconquest allowed Alfonso X to plan an invasion of North Africa. He probably discussed it with his Moorish vassals in the cortes of Toledo 1254, and at that time also secured a promise of English aid (which ultimately proved valueless). The marriage of his sister Leonor to Prince Edward, heir to Henry III of England in the cortes of Burgos on All Saints Day in 1254, was intended to resolve a dispute over Gascony and to assure English collaboration in the African invasion.(16) After an assault on the Moroccan port of Salé, the cortes of Seville in January 1261 apparently counseled the king to attack Niebla, a Muslim vassal kingdom west of Seville, which surrendered in February 1262.(17)
To obtain effective military service for these campaigns, Alfonso X extended certain tax exemptions to the knights of the Extremaduran towns at Segovia in midsummer of 1256 and again at Seville in April 1264. Shortly thereafter, the king of Granada, who was fearful for his own independence, stirred up a revolt among the mudejars that forced Alfonso X to abandon his African ambitions.(18)
A decisive turning point in Alfonso Xs career occurred in April 1257, when he was elected Holy Roman Emperor. He may have asked the cortes of Valladolid early in 1258 for a special tax to support the "affair of the empire."(19) The cortes of Toledo held at the end of 1259 also treated the "affair of the empire."(20) In spite of a lack of papal recognition, Alfonso X continued his pursuit of the imperial crown for the next fifteen years.
Alfonso X: Years of Crisis (1272-l284)
The years 1272 through 1284 were punctuated by a series of crises concerning the kings imperial quest, his alteration of the laws, [24] the succession to the throne, and the Moroccan invasion. In most cases, these issues were drawn in the cortes. The royal chronicle described the meetings at Burgos 1272, Segovia 1278, and Seville 1281 as cortes. The king himself referred to the cortes held at Burgos in 1274. Jofre de Loaysa, though he did not use the word cortes, noted that prelates, nobles, and townsmen met at Burgos in 1276. The presence of bishops, magnates, knights, and townsmen at Burgos in 1277 permits one to identify that assembly as a cortes, but the evidence concerning a meeting at Burgos in February 1281 is insufficient to do so.(21) In a twelve-year span the king convened six plenary or general cortes (Burgos 1272, 1274, 1276, 1277; Segovia 1278; and Seville 1281), an average of one every two years.
In addition, Alfonso X convoked other assemblies of varied composition, which contemporaries evidently did not regard as cortes. Among them were meetings with the nobles at Almagro, with the townsmen of León and Extremadura at Ávila in 1273, and with the bishops at Peñafiel in 1275. Nobles, knights, and townsmen gathered at Alcalá at the end of the year, and the Castilian and Extremaduran towns met at Toledo in January 1276.(22) The towns of Castile, Extremadura, and the kingdom of Toledo were summoned to Toledo in the spring of 1279, and the Castilian towns may have met the king at Badajoz in 1280.(23)
In May 1282, the kings son, Sancho, summoned all the estates to an assembly (which he called a cortes) at Valladolid, even though Alfonso X had neither summoned nor authorized the meeting.(24) Whether he was aware of his fathers objections or not, Sancho did not describe as a cortes the meeting of all the estates at Palencia in 1283. Hermandades, or brotherhoods of bishops and abbots and of the towns of Castile and León, were formed at Valladolid in 1282 to defend their rights and privileges.(25)
The chain of events that culminated in the downfall of Alfonso X began when he learned of the death of Richard of Cornwall, his rival for the imperial crown. Planning to leave the kingdom in stable condition while he journeyed to secure the prize that had so long eluded him, the king summoned the cortes of Burgos 1272. The nobles, followed by the bishops and townsmen, demanded certain tax reforms and the restoration of their fueros. Although he had to bow to these pressures, the king did gain enough financial aid to enable him to bring the affair of the empire to a conclusion.(26)
[25] Many of the nobles who had gone into exile in Granada were persuaded to return when, at Almagro in March 1273, Alfonso X assured them of fundamental tax reforms. Later he apparently discussed issues that had arisen in the cortes of the previous year with the Leonese and Extremaduran towns at Ávila.(27)
Free at last to undertake his "journey to the empire," the king appointed his son, Fernando de la Cerda, as regent in the cortes of Burgos in March 1274, and obtained a tax to complete the "affair of the empire."(28) During his fathers absence from the realm, Fernando attended to the grievances of the bishops at Peñafiel in April 1275,(29) but his sudden death in November, while en route to defend the frontier against a Moroccan invasion, brought disaster to the kingdom. The kings second son, Sancho, halted the enemy advance but then asserted his claims as heir to the throne even though Fernandos son, Alfonso de la Cerda, was alive. The groundwork thus was laid for a dispute that would unsettle the peace of the realm for more than thirty years.(30)
Returning home after failing to convince Pope Gregory X to acknowledge him as emperor, Alfonso X reviewed the military situation at Alcalá in December and at Toledo in January 1276. He then convoked the cortes at Burgos in April to pledge homage and fealty to Sancho as his heir.(31) In order to be able to direct his undivided attention to the frontier, the king apparently entrusted Sancho with primary responsibility for the affairs of Castile and León in the cortes of Segovia in May 1278.(32) Dissent within the royal family was revealed when Fernando de la Cerdas two sons were spirited to Aragón while their mother went to France to beg the support of her brother, King Philip III.(33)
Alfonso X, meanwhile, hoping to deny the Marinids access to the peninsula, prepared to besiege Algeciras. To provide for the defense of the realm, the cortes of Burgos in the spring of 1277 had granted him a tax levy for the remainder of his life.(34) Amid much grumbling, the Castilian and Extremaduran towns gathered at Toledo in the spring of 1279 responded to his plea for additional aid, but it was still insufficient to allow him to terminate the siege successfully.(35) When he again emphasized his need for money during the cortes of Seville in the fall of 1281, the townsmen, though groaning under the burden of tributes, nevertheless allowed him to do as he thought best.(36)
When the king declared that he wished to provide for Alfonso de la Cerda by partitioning his dominions, Sancho left the cortes in anger and summoned all die men of the realm to Valladolid in April 1282. [26] Recalling the accumulated frustrations and grievances of the past thirty years, they conferred the essential functions of government upon him but stopped short of deposing Alfonso X. The towns, as well as the bishops and abbots, organized their hermandades and intended to meet annually in defense of their rights.(37)
Alfonso X, refusing to yield his power, summoned his ersrwhile enemy, the emir of Morocco, to wage war on his behalf, while Sancho vainly sought to secure control of the entire realm. Just before his death on 4 April 1284, Alfonso X disinherited Sancho and acknowledged Alfonso de la Cerda as his heir.(38)
The evidence suggests that Alfonso X played a major role in developing the cortes as an instrument of royal policy, using it to announce his economic policies, to promulgate new law codes, and to resolve, in some measure, the contentious question of the succession. The cortes, furthermore, financed his African interests, his imperial quest, and the wars with Morocco, but it proved to be more than a mere rubber stamp. The gathering together of so many men of diverse backgrounds and interests inevitably resulted in objections to this policy or that, and ultimately led to the challenge presented to him in 1282. The cortes could be seen as a two-edged sword that served the monarchy but which also might be turned against it.
Sancho IV (1284-1295)
When Sancho IV declared against his father in 1282, the people were ready to follow him as much because of their opposition to Alfonso Xs heavy fiscal impositions and violations of their fueros, as because of their conviction that Sancho had the best right to the throne.(39) Once king, however, Sancho IV burdened his subjects more heavily with taxes than his father had.(40) The defense of the realm against Moroccan invasion was the chief drain on his resources, but he also had to expend money to fend off the rival claims of his nephew, Alfonso de la Cerda (alternately supported by France and Aragón); to persuade the pope to validate his marriage to his cousin, Maria de Molina; and to legitimate his children. Each of these efforts cost money, and in order to get it he resorted to policies similar to his fathers.
The study of the cortes of Sancho IV is particularly frustrating because of the inadequacy of the documentation. Cuadernos exist for the [27] cortes of Palencia 1286, Haro 1288, and Valladolid 1293,(41) and there are documentary references to the cortes of Valladolid 1284 and Burgos 1287.(42)Procter believed that he convened the cortes at Zamora in 1286, but this is uncertain.(43) During his eleven-year reign, Sancho IV convoked the cortes five times. This seems, at first glance, to be evidence of convocation at regular intervals, but four of those meetings were held in the first four years of the reign, and only one in the last seven. This pattern suggests his reluctance to convene the cortes once he felt securely established on the throne.
Besides the cortes, Sancho IV met with the magnates at Astorga in 1287 and the prelates at Medina del Campo in 1291. Other assemblies may have been held at Burgos in 1285, 1286, and Seville in 1285, but the documentation is inadequate to judge their nature. A general meeting of the hermandad took place at Medina del Campo in 1284, the first and only such meeting during Sancho IVs reign.(44)
Recognizing that royal authority had been weakened by his challenge to Alfonso X, the new king, in his first cortes held at Valladolid around Martinmas (11 November) 1284, revoked many of the charters that he had granted while still infante, and abolished the hermandades. Although they had supported him during the struggle with his father, Sancho IV now viewed them as potential challenges to his own authority.(45)
The birth of a son, Fernando, in December 1285, assured the king of an heir. Representatives of the towns were summoned to Zamora in January of the new year to swear allegiance, but it does not appear that the cortes was convened for that purpose.(46)
Giving high priority to the recovery of alienated royal rights, the cortes of Palencia in November 1286 urged the king to move in that direction.(47) In the following year, he enacted an ordinance in the cortes of Burgos that provided for the repossession of royal lands acquired by the church. But a contract concluded on 1 June with Abraham el Barchilón for the collection of revenues owed the crown since Alfonso Xs later years was much less popular.(48)
The prime mover in this attempt to gather every penny due the crown was Lope Díaz de Haro, but he had a falling out with the king and was killed in June l288.(49)After capturing Haro, Lopes chief stronghold, the king repudiated the fallen ministers fiscal policy. In the cortes held at Haro in 1288, a new ordinance concerning royal domains [28] obtained by the church was enacted, while the contract with Abraham el Barchilón was abrogated in return for an annual tax for the next ten years. Thereby guaranteed a steady revenue, the king was also free of the need to summon the cortes regularly to gain consent to taxes. Consequently, five years elapsed before the cortes was convoked again.(50)
The renewed threat of Moroccan invasion nevertheless compelled the king to ask the prelates at Medina del Campo in the fall of 1291 for special taxes, and in the spring of the following year, without summoning the cortes, he collected others. With these funds he was able to capture Tarifa, one of the chief ports on the straits giving access to the peninsula.(51) In the aftermath of that victory, after listening to grievances concerning his financial expedients, the king assured the cortes of Valladolid in the spring of 1293 that he would seek consent before levying extraordinary taxes.(52)
Early in 1295, the king fell ill and appointed Queen Maria de Molina as regent for their son, the future Fernando IV. All the men of the realm pledged their allegiance, but there is no evidence that they were summoned to the cortes to do so. Sancho IV, believing the succession secure, died on 25 April 1295.(53)
Fernando IV: The Minority (1295--1301)
The kingdom of Castile was left in a critical state. The new king, Fernando IV (1295-1312), was a mere boy of nine whose rights to the throne were very much in doubt.(54)In defending them, Maria de Molina had to contend with several formidable opponents. Among them was Infante Enrique, a younger brother of Alfonso X, who had recently returned to Castile after long years of exile in Italy, and who now demanded the regency. Sancho IVs younger brother, Juan, claimed the throne by arguing that his nephew was illegitimate because his parents had never obtained a papal dispensation from the impediment of consanguinity. Alfonso de la Cerda maintained his rights with the backing of Aragón and Portugal, which both expected territorial advantages at Castilian expense.
The cortes, summoned nearly every year during the minority, was actively involved in this succession crisis. A general cuaderno and one given to the bishops reveal that the cortes of Valladolid 1295 was a plenary assembly attended by the men of Castile, León, Extremadura, [29] Galicia, Toledo, and Andalusia. The cortes of Valladolid 1298 was also plenary; although only the Castilians and Leonese were mentioned, and only a Castilian cuaderno survives. Castilians, Leonese, and Extremadurans participated in the cortes of Valladolid in 1299 and 1300, but whereas there are two cuadernos (one general and one Leonese) for 1299, there is only a Castilian one for 1300. Only Castilians were mentioned in the cuaderno for the cortes of Cuéllar 1297, but as Cuéllar was in the heart of Extremadura, it is likely that both Castilians and Extremadurans attended. Because of dissension between Infante Juan and other nobles, one regional cortes each was held in 1301 at Burgos and Zamora for the Castilians and Leonese, respectively; each received a separate cuaderno. Thus, during the seven years of the minority, the cortes met each year except 1296. Four assemblies were plenary (Valladolid 1295, 1298, 1299, 1300), two regional (Burgos and Zamora 1301), and one possibly plenary (Cuéllar 1297). (55)
The reconstitution of the hermandades of Castile, León and Galicia, Extremadura, Murcia, and Andalusia is equally notable. Determined to defend their rights against encroachments by the crown, but especially by the nobility, they wielded great clout in the cortes of Valladolid 1295 and functioned for several years afterward.(56)Aside from the general hermandades, others of more limited geographical extent were also established.(57)
The convocation of the cortes with such frequency was due to the need to win moral and financial support. The cortes of Valladolid in July 1295, after acknowledging Fernando IV as king, agreed that Maria de Molina should retain custody of her son while Infante Enrique assumed responsibility for the government of the realm.(58)
The hermandades of Castile and León were a strong presence in the cortes, decrying the breakdown of law and order and demanding that townsmen representing Castile, León, and Extremadura be given a voice in the royal council.(59) As set down in the cortes of Cuéllar in March 1297, the mandate claimed by these new members of the council touched all affairs concerning the estate of the realm.(60) By contrast, the prelates, objecting to the exceptional influence of the towns in the cortes of Valladolid 1295, insisted on the confirmation of ecclesiastical liberties.(61)
As civil disorder continued, Infante Juan vainly tried to persuade the Castilian hermandad at Palencia in January 1296 to support his bid for [30] the throne. Although he was able to gain the allegiance of some Leonese towns,(62) those of Andalusia and Murcia and the seaports on the Bay of Biscay formed hermandades in defense of Fernando IV.(63)
The government, in the meantime, had to ask the cortes for financial aid to suppress civil war and repulse the kings external enemies. After an initial grant by the cortes of Valladolid in 1295, the amounts approved by the cortes of Cuéllar 1297 and Valladolid 1298,1299, and 1300 rose steadily.(64)The cortes of Valladolid 1300 and Burgos and Zamora 1301 voted an additional levy to pay for papal bulls legitimating the king and dispensing him from the bonds of consanguinity with his intended bride, Constanza of Portugal.(65)
Fernando IV: The Domination of the Nobility (1302-1312)
Duly legitimated on 6 September 1301, Fernando IV married Constanza in January 1302 and assumed management of his own affairs. The stage was now set for the struggle between Infantes Enrique and Juan to gain ascendancy over the king.(66)
The divisions that plagued the realm were exhibited in the convocation of regional cortes for León, Extremadura, and the kingdom of Toledo at Medina del Campo in April 1302, and for Castile at Burgos in June. Separate cuadernos were given to the Leonese and Extremadurans at Medina del Campo. None are extant for the cortes of Burgos, but charters confirming the Castilian fueros were published, and an ordinance concerning the coinage (extant only in a copy of 1303) was enacted. The cortes of Medina del Campo 1302 asked that henceforth only the plenary cortes should be summoned. Consequently, the first plenary cortes of the kings mature years was held at Medina del Campo in April 1305, but regional differences were still so strong that three separate cuadernos were prepared for the Castilians, the Leonese, and the Extremadurans.
The cortes convened at Valladolid in June 1307 was also plenary, but the petitions of the towns and royal replies were presented in a common text. A royal ordinance is the principal evidence for the plenary cortes held at Burgos in June 1308. The king also held a plenary cortes at Madrid in February 1309 and confirmed the cuadernos of that cortes in 1312; but the text of the cuadernos has not yet been discovered.[31] The cuaderno of the last plenary cortes of the reign, assembled at Valladolid in March 1312, embodies both a royal ordinance and response to petitions. In the decade of the kings majority, five plenary cortes (Medina del Campo 1305, Valladolid 1307, Burgos 1308, Madrid 1309, Valladolid 1312) and two regional ones (Medina del Campo and Burgos 1302) were held.(67)
After the kings confirmation of the Castilian hermandad in 1302, there is no evidence of activity by the hermandades, but other assemblies did meet from time to time. Many nobles gathered at Valladolid in the fall of 1302 in support of Infante Enrique. Maria de Molina summoned the towns of the bishoprics of Ávila and Segovia to Coca in June 1303 to uphold her sons rights, and he met the Extremaduran towns at Olmedo in November. The assembly convoked by the king at Burgos in April 1304 had some of the characteristics of the cortes, but the charters issued to the Extremaduran and Castilian towns did not describe it as such, nor does it appear that the bishops attended. The nobles assembled again at Grijota, outside Palencia, in March 1308 to demand reforms and the convocation of the cortes of Burgos in June.(68)Two major assemblies met at Palencia in 1311, one in March with the bishops, some of whom had organized an hermandad in the previous year, and the second in October with the nobles.(69)
All those contending for power found the convocation of the cortes useful for their purposes. The king took control of his affairs in the cortes of Medina del Campo and Burgos in 1302, but Infante Juan used the occasion to undercut Maria de Molinas influence. The death of Infante Enrique in 1303 removed Juans principal opponent, but factionalism continued to foment instability. By contrast, the controversy over the succession dating from the death of Fernando de la Cerda in 1275 was concluded in 1304 when Alfonso de la Cerda renounced his claims to the throne.(70) The convocation of a plenary cortes at Medina del Campo in 1305 was intended to celebrate the general reconciliation, but a dispute between Infante Juan and Diego López de Haro over the lordship of Vizcaya stirred further unrest until its resolution in the cortes of Valladolid two years later.(71)
The persistent theme of all the cuadernos of this period is the default of justice and the breakdown of law and order. Much of this was attributable to the disorders brought on by the civil war of the minority, but Fernando IV, buffeted as he was by the factions among the [32] magnates, was slow to take matters in hand. The ordinance drawn up in the cortes of Valladolid 1312 represented a systematic attempt to organize the royal tribunal, to bring order into the chancery, to define the duties of territorial and local officials, and to assure the men of the realm of due process of law; but in view of the abrupt end of the reign, it is impossible to determine how effective this new regime might have been.(72)
The prelates were aggrieved by the kings failure to protect them against arbitrary impositions and other intrusions upon their liberties and they said as much in the Council of Peñafiel in l302.(73) They confronted him again at Palencia in March 1311,(74) but the formation of an hermandad by the Leonese bishops in 1310-1311 was a sure sign of their lack of confidence in his ability to govern effectively.(75)
The magnates were divided by the controversies at flrst between Infantes Enrique and Juan and later between Juan and Diego López de Haro. Led by Infante Juan, they made a concerted effort at Grijota in 1308 to control appointment of the principal officcrs of the court. This was ratifled in the cortes of Burgos in July of that year, but a proposal to decrease noble stipcnds was doomed to failure.(76) Meeting them at Palencia in October 1311, the king, intimidated once again, promised to pay their stipends and to allow Infante Juan to nominate his councilors.(77)
Given that he had to contend with the threat of Alfonso de la Cerda, buy the allegiance of the maguates, and provide for the defense of the frontier against Granada, Fernando IVs expenses (and revenues) were higher than those of his predecessors. The amount of the taxes approved by the cortes remained fairly constant, but additional leyes imposed in 1305 and 1306 without the consent of the cortes prompted the cortes of Valladolid 1307 to demand that the king obtain such consent in the future, and that in the meantime he should attcmpt to live off his ordinary revenues. An accounting of the revenues was undertaken in the cortes of Burgos 1308 with an eye toward balancing the budgct, but it did not succeed.(78)
The cortes of Madrid 1309, in support of the war with Granada, consented to a tax levy for several years which may have enabled the king to avoid convoking the cortes in 1310 and 1311. For that reason, the prelates insisted at Palencia in 1311 that they be summoned to the cortes before being asked to conscnt to taxation. The cortes of Valladolid 1312, after urging the king to balance the budget and try to live within his ordinary means, agreed to an extraordinary levy for the war [33] against Granada. Despite the kings promises, the budget sccms never to have been brought into balance, and the measures adopted for that purpose appear to have been ineffectual. It was unrealistic, however, for the cortes to imagine that the king could govern without extraordinary taxes. (79)
The war against Granada bore fruit when the king conquered Gibraltar in September 1309, but the withdrawal of Infante Juan and other discontented nobles forced him to abandon the siege of Algeciras in January 1310. Although he returned to the frontier after the cortes of Valladolid 1312, his death on 7 September cut short the campaign. (80)
Owing to the exceptional circumstances of Fernando IVs reign, the cortes regularly had the opportunity to participate in public affairs. The townsmen were persistent in demanding reforms in justice and finance, but their influence was outweighed by that of the magnates, whose interest lay in keeping the monarchy weak. Fernando IV was incapable of dealing firmly with them and more than once had to call on his mother to rescue him from disaster. How he would have dealt with the magnates, the prelates, and the cortes in his more mature years is unknown because he died suddenly at the early age of twenty-eight.
Alfonso XI: TheMinority (1312-1325)
The accession of Alfonso XI (1312--1350), who was little more than a ycar oíd, brought about a recrudescence of violence and turmoil. During the thirteen years of his minority, several members of the royal family contended for custody of his person and control of the regency. Initially they included the Qucen Mother Constanza; the Dowager Queen Maria de Molina; her son, Infante Pedro; and Infante Juan, the kings great uncle. The cortes was summoned relatively frequently to ratify the claims of one or another of the contenders, and the hermandades, so long quicseent, sprang to life again.(81)
The first plenary cortes of the reign was held at Palencia in April 1313 with representatives from Castile, León, Toledo, Extremadura, Galicia, Asturias, and Andalusia. Two cuadernos issued separately by the regents--Infante Juan on one side and Maria de Molina and Infante Pedro on the other--revealed the division of the government. In the next year, after meeting with their respective adherents, the three regents convened a unified assembly at Valladolid which can be included [34] in the list of plenary cortes. The cortes that met at Burgos in June 1315 was also plenary. A cuaderno published in the name of all three regents survives, as well as a cuaderno given to the prelates.(82) The prelates also met the regents at Medina del Campo in April 1316.(83)
A plenary cortes was not convened again until 1321. Disagreements between the Castilians and the other men of the realm resulted in the convocation of a regional cortes at Valladolid (June 1318) for the Castilians and at Medina dcl Campo (August 1318) for the Leonese and Extremadurans. Only the cuadernos for the latter cortes are extant. As the struggle for the regency resumed, a plenary cortes was held at Valladolid in the spring of 1321, but no cuadernos have been discovered. A plenary cortes also assembled atValladolid in May 1322, but a cuaderno published by Infante Felipe and several charters granted by other potential regents emphasize the divisiveness within the realm.(84) Thus, in the thirteen years of the minority there were five plenary cortes (Palencia 1313, Valladolid 1314, Burgos 1315, and Valladolid 1321 and 1322) and two regional ones (Valladolid and Medina de Campo 1318).
There were also numerous assemblies of the hermandades that had emerged again in every part of the kingdom. A cuaderno testifies to the meeting of the Leonese hermandad at Benavente in January 1313, and the Castilians met at Sahagún in February and the Extremadurans at Cuéllar. In September the combined Castilian and Leonese hermandades assembled at Sahagún.(85) Both the prelates and noble knights formed separate hermandades at Valladolid in June 1314.(86) The general hermandad of Castile, León, Extremadura, and Toledo convened during the cortes of Burgos in June 1315; the cuaderno indicates that the noble knights had joined with the towns. The Castilian hermandad met again at Burgos in 1316, and that of Extremadura and Toledo at Cuéllar.(87)A general assembly of the hermandad of noble knights and townsmen of Castile, León, Extremadura, and Toledo, often wrongly believed to be a meeting of the cortes, was held at Carrión in March 1317. In 1319 and 1320 there were also many meetings of regional hermandades. (88)The variety and frequency of these assemblies is a measure of the disorder that prevailed throughout the kingdom.
The principal reason for the convocation of the cortes during the minority of Alfonso XI was to regulate the regency. All the candidates recognized the necessity of convening the cortes in order to obtain a legal right to act as regents. One faction of prelates and urban [35] procurators in the cortes of Palencia 1313 acknowledged Maria de Molina and Pedro, while another recognized Infante Juan. The death in November of Queen Constanza, who had supported Juan, weakened his cause significantly. While Maria and Pedro gathered their followers at Valladolid in June 1314, Juan met his at Carrión inJuly. After negotiation, an accommodation was achieved at Valladolid that provided for a joint regency.(89)The single cuaderno issued in the cortes of Burgos 1315 testified to the unification of the regency and spelled out the terms under which the three regents would govern the realm. Although suspicious of one another, the two infantes planned a joint expedition against Granada; it ended abruptly when both of them died suddenly in the summer of 1319.(90)
After their deaths, new claimants to a place in die regency appeared: Infante Felipe, a younger son of Maria de Molina; Infante Juans son, Juan the one-eyed; and Juan Manuel, a nephew of Alfonso X. With the hope of averting the partition of the realm, Maria, who was ill, agreed to share the regency with the three princes in the cortes of Valladolid in the spring of 1321. Her death on 30 June, however, was followed by terrible anarchy--there was no longer anyone of sufficient prestige to dominate the rivals. Although the three surviving regents appeared at the cortes of Valladolid in May 1322, they quickly abandoned all pretext of unity. Effectively dividing the realm among themselves, the three princes exploited it for their personal benefit until Alfonso XI came of age in l325.(91)
As they had in the minority of Fernando IV, the cortes insisted throughout Alfonso XI's minority that measures be taken to maintain law and order. The widespread activity of the hermandades during this time testified to the regents failure to correct abuses and punish evildoers. In effect, the hermandades had to provide the protection that the government was unable to give; yet at the same time the very existence of the hermandades contributed to the general upset. The overall weakness of the regents is refiected in the fact that they confirmed the hermandades in the cortes of Palencia 1313, Burgos 1315, and Medina del Campo 1318, and allowed themselves to be intimidated by the hermandad assembled at Carrión in 1317.(92)
The regents assured the cortes of Palencia 1313 and Burgos 1315 that they would live within the budget of the crowns ordinary resources; but as this was a pledge that could not realistically be kept, the [36] cortes of Burgos demanded an accounting of royal revenues before consenting to a tax levy. In the following year, the prelates assembled at Medina del Campo to approve a levy, as did the assembly of Carrión in 1317 after completing a second accounting. The cortes of Valladolid and Medina del Campo in 1318 authorized taxes for the war against Granada, but it is unknown whether the cortes of Valladolid 1321 and 1322 did so as well. Each of the regents, nevertheless, obtained funds from assemblies of their supporters in the years from 1320 to 1323.(93)
As the government steadily deteriorated toward a state approaching anarchy, the division of the cortes mirrored the divisions in Castile and León. Consequently, even though the cortes met fairly often, it was ineffective in maintaiing the orderly processes of government.
Alfonso XI: Royal Ascendancy (1325-1350)
The long and terrible minority came to an end in the summer of 1325 when Alfonso XI, then fourteen years of age, declared his intention to assume personal power and to repair the damage done. He regarded the magnates who had parceled out the regency among themselves as enemies of the crown, and showed little enthusiasm for the cortes, perhaps seeing it as an instrument that had enabled them to bring about the ruination of his kingdom.
Nearly thirteen years passed before Alfonso XI could overcome the opposition among the nobility and be reasonably certain of their loyalty. The mutual mistrust initially limited the kings ability to concentrate on his primary interest, the war against Granada and Morocco for control of the Straits, but that enterprise occupied him almost continually during the last twelve years of his reign. He also effected significant changes in the institutions of government, especially the municipalities, the cortes, and taxation.
In his mature years Alfonso XI convoked only three plenary cortes, at Valladolid in the fall of 1325, Madrid in June 1329, and Alcalá de Henares in February 1348. Prelates, magnates, infanzones, knights, masters of the military orders, and procurators from the towns of Castile, León, Toledo, Extremadura, Andalusia, and Murcia attended these assemblies. Two cuadernos were issued to the townsmen and prelates at Valladolid in 1325. The cuaderno of Madrid 1329 recorded the petitions of the townsmen, but that of Alcalá 1348 contained petitions made on [37] behalf of prelates, nobles, and townsmen. The convocation of only three plenary cortes in a quarter century surely is a sign of reluctance on the kings part to meet with the three estates simultaneously. This impression is strengthened when one considers that two of the cortes met in the first four years of his majority and that an interval of almost twenty years elapsed between the second and third cortes. (94)
By contrast, the king convened a variety of other assemblies, some of which were described as ayuntamientos, a word evidently meaning an assembly lacking the full participation of the three estates. The assembly of Medina del Campo in July 1326 was essentially a gathering of prelates,(95) whereas the procurators of the Castilian and Leonese towns met at Madrid in November 1339. The three ayuntamientos held in 1345 at Alcalá (March), Burgos (April), and León (June) were attended by the townsmen of Extremadura, Castile, and León, respectively. The towns also convened at Llerena in December 1340. One could probably describe the gathering of nobles at Burgos in April 1338 as an ayuntamiento, although the sources did not. In each of these instances, the king met primarily with only one of the three estates.(96)
The composition of several other assemblies was somewhat more varied. The prelates and nobles and some townsmen were summoned to Burgos in June 1332 to celebrate the kings coronation.(97) In March 1336 he met the nobles at Valladolid, in April the Castilian townsmen at Burgos, in May the Leonese townsmen at Zamora, and in February 1337 the clergy at Madrid. Then in 1342 he convened prelates and nobles at Burgos (January), León (February), and Zamora (March), consulting at the same time with the citizens of the host cities. Later he summoned the Extremaduran towns to a meeting at Ávila. There seems no reason not to call these ayuntamientos, even though the sources did not. Lastly, one should note the junta of Arriaga, an assembly of the people of Álava in April 1332 to acknowledge Alfonso XI as their lord.(98)
In the first cortes of his majority (Valladolid 1325), Alfonso XI announced his intention to restore the rule of law and forbade the organization of hermandades, repudiating agreements previously made with them.(99) Determined to end the intrigues of the former regents who were reluctant to give up power, Alfonso XI executed Juan the one-eyed in 1326; his uncle, Felipe, died the following year. Juan Manuel aspired to control the king through a marriage alliance but found himself thwarted when Alfonso XI married Maria of Portugal. As a [38] consequence, Juan Manuel remained intermittently hostile for years thereafter. The king completed the process of taking personal control of the government when he reorganized his household in the cortes of Madrid 1329.(100)
To achieve his great ambition of completing the blockade of the Straits of Gibraltar, Alfonso XI sought funding from the cortes of Valladolid 1325 and Madrid 1329, as well as from the prelates at Medina del Campo 1326.(101) While conspiracies and rebellions diverted him from the reconquest, the emir of Morocco, with Granadan support, recaptured Gibraltar in 1333. In the hope of recovering it, the king resorted to loans and other fiscal devices and in 1336 persuaded the nobles at Valladolid to consent to the taxation of their vassals. The Castilian and Leonese towns, meeting at Burgos and Zamora, respectively, approved a similar levy in 1336, and at Madrid in the next year the clergy agreed to tax themselves.(102)
Intent on securing the most effective military service, Alfonso XI enacted an ordinance at Burgos in 1338 that regulated feuds among the nobility and specified their military obligations. In the next year at Madrid, he addressed the complaints of the townsmen so they would join wholeheartedly in his planned military campaign. When the emir of Morocco laid siege to Tarifa, Alfonso XI and his father-in-law, Afonso IV of Portugal, gained a decisive victory at the River Salado on 30 October 1340. Although no one realized it at the time, the threat from Morocco was finally over.
Flushed with victory and determined to begin the siege of Algeciras (opposite Gibraltar), the king asked the towns at Llerena for additional taxes in Deeember.(103)He realized also the need for a new tax that would affect everyone alike, and after obtaining the consent of the prelates and nobles at Burgos, León, Zamora, and the Extremaduran towns at Ávila in 1342, he imposed the alcabala, a general sales tax. After Algeciras fell in 1344, the assemblies of Alcalá, Burgos, and León in 1345 agreed to a continuation of this tax for six years.(104)
In the final cortes of his reign (Alcalá 1348), Alfonso XI responded to the accumulated complaints of previous years and promulgated the Ordinance of Alcalá, which marked the culmination of his legal reforms. With the hope of closing the invasion route from North Africa for good, he then commenced the siege of Gibraltar. Unfortunately, Alfonso XI, like many of his troops, fell victim to the Black Death; he died [39] on 27 March 1350. As a consequence, the siege was abandoned and the reconquest which he had pressed so vigorously was left in abeyance for nearly a century and a half.(105)
An assessment of the cortes during Alfonso XIs majority reveals that it was greatly weakened. The regularity of assembly was interrupted, with a consequent lessening of its importance and its potential as a forum in which the voices of all the people of the realm might be heard. Reflecting, no doubt, on the chaotic years of his minority, Alfonso XI preferred to act in accordance with the Roman proverb, "divide and conquer." By meeting separately with different groups and convoking the cortes only three times, he denied the estates the opportunity to challenge his authority effectively in a plenary assembly.
A European Perspective
Contemporary monarchs in the other peninsular states, as well as in France and England, faced comparable problems. The attempts of the kings of Portugal to recover alienated royal lands and manipulate the coinage provoked inevitable opposition and resulted in the deposition of Sancho II in 1245 and Afonso IIIs pledge in 1261 to seek the consent of the cortes before modifying the coinage. In Aragón and Valencia, the Union of nobles and towns resolved to preserve tradition and to control extraordinary taxation, confronting kings on these issues from 1283 to 1348. The Catalan corts, on the other hand, secured from Pedro III in 1283 constitutional guarantees concerning the enactment of laws and the imposition of taxes.(106)
In France, Philip the Fairs conflict with the papacy resulted in the convocation of the first meeting of the Estates of Languedoil in 1302. Needing extraordinary taxes to finance the Hundred Years War, Philip VI convened various general and provincial assemblies, but these lacked the structure and definition of the peninsular cortes or the English parliament.(107)
The struggle in England between the crown and the nobility-- punctuated by the Magna Charta in 1215, the Provisions of Oxford in 1258, the Confirmation of the Charters in 1297, the Ordinances of 1311, and the Statute of York in 1322--helped to define the limitations of royal power. The near deposition of Henry III in 1264-1265 and the actual deposition of Edward II in 1327 also marked significant [40] stages in this process. From its tentative beginnings under Edward I, the parliament gradually evolved and assumed its characteristic form during the reign of Edward III.(108)
We turn next to the organization and functions of the cortes and its influence on government, society, and economic growth, and present further comparison with representative institutions elsewhere in western Europe.

Notes for Chapter 2 1. Crónica del Rey Don Alfonso X, BAE, LXVI (Madrid, 1953), 3-66; Procter, "Materials for the Reign of Alfonso X of Castile 1252-1284," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th Series, 14(1931): 39-63; Antonio Ballesteros, Alfonso X (Barcelona-Madrid 1963; 2d ed. Miguel Rodríguez Llopis, 1984); OCallaghan, "The Cortes and Royal Taxation during the Reign of AJfonso X of Castile," Traditio 27 (1971): 3 79-398, and "Alfonso X and the Castilian Church," Thought 60(1985): 418-429, and "Paths to Ruin: The Economic and Financial Policies of Alfonso X," in Robert I. Burns, ed., The Worlds of Alfonso the Learned and James the Conqueror (Princeton 1985), 41-67.
2. BN 13094, fol. 143; MFIII, 314-318; Ballesteros, AlfonsoX, 90; Martínez Marina, Teoría, BAE. CCXIX, 230-231; Procter, Curia, 126-127.
3. Piskorski, no. 1, Pp. 196-197; Georges Daumet, Mémoire sur les relations de la France et de la Castille de 1255 à 1320 (Paris, n.d.), no. 1, pp. 143-- 146.
4. Burgos 1254: Anónimo de Sahagún, 76, in Romualdo Escalona, Historiadel real monasterio de Sahagún (Madrid 1782), 361-362. Toledo 1259: BN 13094, fol. 116; MHE, I, no. 71, p. 154; Ballesteros, "El Itinerario de Alfonso el Sabio," BRAH 108 (1936): 17, n. 1; José Manuel Nieto Soria, Las relaciones monarquía-episcopado castellano como sistema de poder, 1252-1312 (Madrid 1983), II, no. 121, pp. 51-53; Toribio Mingüella, Historia de la diocesis de Sigüenza (Madrid 1900-1913), I, no. 225, pp. 599-601 (25 June 1264).
5. Matías Rodríguez Díez, Historia de la ciudad de Astorga. 2d ed. (Astorga 1909), 715- 720; Manuel Segura Moreno, Estudio del códice gótico (siglo XIII) de la catedral de Jaén (Jaén 1976), no. 16, pp. 202-203; Manuel Nieto Cumplido, Origenes del regionalismo andaluz (1235-1325), 2d ed. (Madrid 1979), no. 3, pp. 118-119.
6. AHN Uclés, cajón 153, no. 1; CLC, I, 86; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 483.
7. Ballesteros, "Las Cortes de 1252," Anales de la junta para ampliacion de estudios e investigaciones científicas, 3 (Madrid 1911): 114-143; Ismael García Ramila, "Ordenamientos de posturas y otros capítulos generales otorgados a la ciudad de Burgos por el rey Alfonso X," Hispania 5 (1945): 204-222; Georg Gross, "Las Cortes de 1252. Ordenamiento otorgado al concejo de Burgos en las Cortes celebradas en Sevilla el 12 de octubre de 1252 (según el original)," BRAH 182 (1985): 95-114; Vicente Argiiello, "Memoria sobre las monedas de Alfonso el Sabio," Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia 8 (1852): 29-34; Rodríguez Díez, Astorga, 697-713; Antonio López Ferreiro, Fueros municipales de Santiago y su tierra (Santiago 1895), 347-372 (15 February 1253); Procter, Curia, no. 4, pp. 273-284; CLC, I, 54-63 (18 Januarv 1258).
8. CLC, I, 64-85 (15 June 1268).
9. MHE, 1, nos. 34-35,37, pp. 70-75, 77-79; José Luis Martín et al., Documentos de los Archivos catedralicio y diocesano de Salamanca (Siglos XII-XIII) (Salamanca 1977), nos. 260-262, pp. 348-354; Juan Loperráez, Descripción histórica del obispado de Osma (Madrid 1788), III, nos. 57-58, pp.79-83; Mingüella, Sigüenza, I, no. 209, pp. 572-574; E Javier Pereda Llarena, Documentación de la catedral de Burgos 1254-1293 (Burgos 1984), nos. 24-26, pp, 35-42; Pedro Fernández del Pulgar, Historia secular y eclesiástica de Palencia (Madrid 1679), II, 336-341.
10. MHE, I, nos. 43-45, pp. 89-100 (July-August 1256); Aquilino Iglesia Ferreirós, "Privilegio general concedido a las Extremaduras en 1264 por Alfonso X. Edición del ejemplar enviado a Peñafiel en 15 de abril de 1264," AHDE 53 (1983): 456-521; Procter, Curia, no. 7, pp. 286-291; Antonio Ubieto Arteta, Coleccián diplomática de Cuéllar (Segovia 1961), no. 21, pp. 60- 66; Timoteo Domingo Palacio, Documentos del Archivo general de la vi//a de Madrid (Madrid 1888-1943), I, 95-102.
11. Ballesteros, "Cortes de 1252," 114-143; CLC, I,54-63 (Valladolid 1258), 64-85 (Jerez 1268); Rodríguez Díez, Astorga, 715-720; OCallaghan, "Paths to Ruin," 43-54.
12. Robert A. MacDonald, "Problemas políticos y derecho alfonsino considerados desde tres puntos de vista," AHDE 54 (1984): 25-53, and "El Espéculo atribuido a Alfonso X, su edición y problemas que plantea," España y Europa, un pasado jurídico común. Actas del I Simposio internacional del Instituto de Derecho Común, ed. Antonio Pérez Marín (Murcia 1986), 611-653; OCallaghan, "Sobre la promulgación del Espéculo y del Fuero real," Estudios en homenaje a Don Claudio Sánchez Albornoz en sus 90 anos, III (1985): 167-179.
13. Alfonso García Gallo, "El Libro de las Leyes de Alfonso el Sabio: Del Espéculo a las Partidas," AHDE 21(1951): 345-548, and "Nuevas observaciones sobre la obra legislativa de Alfonso X," AHDE 46 (1976): 609-670; Aquilino Iglesia Ferreirós, "Alfonso el Sabio y su obra legislativa: Algunas reflexiones," AHDE 50 (1980): 53 1-561, and "Fuero real y Espéculo," AHDE 52 (1982): 111-192; Jerry Craddock, "La cronología de las obras legislativas de Alfonso X el Sabio," AHDE 51(1981): 365-418.
14. Piskorski, no. 1, 196-197.
15. CAX, 18, p. 13; Crónica de Jaume 1 (Barcelona 1926- 1962), ed. J.M. Casacuberta and Enric Bague, IX, 7-8.
16. Anónimo de Sahagún, ch. 74-75, p. 60; GAX, 3,18, pp. 5,13; Thomas Rymer, Foedera, Conventiones, Lítterae et cuiuscunque Acta publica inter Reges Angliae et alios quovis Imperatores, Reges, Pontifices, Principes (London 1704-1735), I, 503 -510.
17. CAX, 6, 19, pp. 6-7, 13-14; Rodríguez Díez, Astorga, 715-720.
18. MHE, I, nos. 43-45, pp. 89- 100; Iglesia Ferreirós, "Privilegio general," 513-521; CAX, 9, p. 10.
19. Loaysa, Crónica, 7, p. 68; GAX, 17, pp. 12-13; Procter, Curia, 232.
20. MHE, 1, nos. 69, 71, pp. 151, 154-155; Ballesteros, "El Itinerario de Alfonso el Sabio," BRAH 108 (1936): 17, n. 1; Mingüella, Sigüenza, I, no. 225, pp. 599-601.
21. CAX, 24-26, 67-68, 75, pp. 21-23, 53, 59-60 (Burgos 1272, Segovia 1278, Burgos 1281, Seville 1281); AM Toledo, cajón 1, legajo 1, no. 3 (Burgos, 13 April 1274), and Fernández del Pulgar, Palencia, II, 344-345; Loaysa, Crónica, 19, p. 90 (Burgos 1276); J. M. Escudero de la Peña, "Súplica hecha al Papa Juan XXI para que absolviese al rey de Castilla D. Alfonso X del juramento de no acuñar otra moneda que los dineros prietos," RABM 2 (1872): 58-59 (Burgos, 9 May 1277).
22. CAX, 47, 50, 53-58, pp. 35,37, 41-47 (Almagro, Ávila 1273); CLC, I, 85-86(Almagro); Ramón Menéndez Pidal, Documentos linguísticos de España: Reino de Castilla (Madrid 1919), no. 229, pp. 300-302 (Peñafiel 1275); Emiliano González Díez, Colección diplomática del concejo de Burgos (884-1369) (Burgos 1984), no. 44, pp. 129-130 (Alcalá and Toledo 1275-1276); Ballesteros, "Burgos y la rebelión del Infante Don Sancho," BRAH 119 (1946): 118-119.
23. González Díez, Burgos, nos. 96, 98-99, pp. 179, 181-183; CAX, 73, p.57.
24. CAX, 75-7 6, pp. 60-61; Loaysa, Crónica, 28, p. 102; MHE, II, no. 198, pp. 59-63.
25. MHE, II, nos. 202-203, pp. 67-70; CAX, 77, pp. 64-65; Luis Fernández Martín, "La participación de los monasterios en la hermandad de los reinos de Castilla, León y Galicia (1282-1284)," Hispania Sacra 25(1972): 5-35.
26. CAX, 23-26, pp. 19-26; El Fuero viejo de Castilla (Madrid 1777), ed. Ignacio Jordán del Asso and Miguel de Manuel Rodríguez, prologue, pp. 1 -3; Palacio, Madrid, I,113- 117; Emilio Sáez et al., Los Fueros de Sepúlveda (Segovia 1953), no. 13, pp. 196- 198; OCallaghan, "The Cortes and Royal Taxation," 384-388.
27. CAX, 40-50, 53-58, pp. 30-37, 41-47; CLC, I, 85-86; Pereda Líarena, Burgos 1253-1294, no. 105, pp. 150-151.
28. CAX, 59, pp. 47-48; Fernández del Pulgar, Palencia, II, 344-345; Palacio, Madrid, I,119-122; Ciriaco Miguel Vigil, Colección histórico-diplomática del ayuntamiento de Oviedo (Oviedo 1889), no. 36, p. 63; Tomás González, Colección de cédulas, cartas patentes, provisiones, reales órdenes y documentos concernientes a las provincias vascongadas (Madrid 1829-1833), V, no. 59, pp. 189-190; Ubieto Arteta, Cuéllar, no. 30, pp. 73-74; González Diez, Burgos, no. 42, pp. 127-128; MHE, I, no. 137, p. 305.
29. Menéndez Pidal, Documentos, no. 229, pp. 300-302; Mateo Escagedo Salmón, Colección diplomática. Privilegios, escrituras y bulas en pergamino de la insigne y real iglesia colegial de Santillana (Santoña 1927), I,155-157.
30. CAX, 61-67, pp. 48-53.
31. González Díez, Burgos, no. 44, pp. 127-130; Loaysa, Crónica, 19, p. 90; CAX, 66-67, pp. 52-53.
32. CAX, 67-68, p. 53; MHE, I, no. 145, p. 327; Fidel Fita, "Dos obras inéditas de Gil de Zamora," BRAH 5(1884): 146; Procter, Curia, 143.
33. CAX, 68, p. 53; Loaysa, Crónica, 24, p. 96.
34. MHE, I, nos. 140-141, pp. 308-324; Ubieto Arteta, Cuéllar, no. 32, pp. 75-76, and Colección diplomática de Riaza 1258-1457 (Segovia 1959), no. 3, pp. 8-9; Miguel Vigil, Oviedo, no. 41, p. 75; María Dolores Guerrero Lafuente, Historia de la ciudad de Benavente en la edad media (Benavente 1983), no. 4, p. 425; Fernández del Pulgar, Palencia, III, 323; Diego de Colmenares, Historia de la ciudad de Segovia, new ed. (Segovia 1969-1975), I, 412-413; Juan Agapito y Revilla, Los privilegios de Valladolid (Valladolid 1906), no. 33 -xiv, p. 55; Mingüella, Sigüenza, I, no. 240, pp. 622-624.
35. González Díez, Burgos, nos. 81, 83, pp. 164-166.
36. CAX, 75, pp. 59-60; González Díez, Burgos, nos. 112-113, pp. 199- 201; Las Cantigas de Santa Maria, ed. Walter Mettmann (Coimbra 1959-1974; reprint Vigo 1981), II, no. 386, pp. 339-341.
37. Loaysa, Crónica, 28, p. 102; CAX, 75-76, pp. 59-61; Pereda Llarena, Burgos 1253-1294, no. 173, pp. 237-241; MHE, II, nos. 202-203, pp. 67-70; Francisco Berganza, Antigüedades de España (Madrid 1721), 1,175; Escalona, Sahagún, nos. 264, 266, pp. 616-622; Marius Ferotin, Recueil des chartes de labhaye de Silos (Paris 1897), no. 243, pp. 272-273; Augusto Quintana Prieto, Tumho viejo de San Pedro de Montes (León 1971), nos. 374-375, pp. 481-487; M. Mañueco Villalobos and J. Zurita Nieto, Documentos de la iglesia colegial de Santa Maria la Mayor de Valladolid (Valladolid 1917), III, pp. 27-29; Antonio Álvarez de Morales, Las hermandades. Espresión del movimiento comunitario en España (Valladolid 1974), no. 1, pp. 267-268.
38. CAX, 76-77, pp. 62-65; MHE, II, nos. 228-229, pp. 110-134; Georges Daumet, "Les testaments dAlphonse X, le savant, roi de Castille," BEC 67(1906): 70-99.
39. Crónica de Sancho IV, BAE, LXVI (1953), 69-90; Mercedes Gaibrois de Ballesteros, Historia del reinado de Sancho IV de Castilla, 3 vols. (Madrid 1922).
40. Loaysa, Crónica, 57, p. 146.
41. CLC, I, 95-99 (Palencia), 99-106 (Haro), 106-130 (Valladolid).
42. CSIV, 1, pp. 69-70; Loaysa, Crónica, 35, p. 114; Luis Fernández, "Colección diplomática del monasterio de San Pedro de Cerrato," Hispania Sacra 26 (1973): no. 11, pp. 299-301; Gaibrois, Sancho IV, III, no. 173, pp. civ-cv; Mañueco Villalobos and Zurita Nieto, Santa Maria la Mayor de Valladolid, II, no. 94, pp. 122-124.
43. Procter, Curia, 120, 149, 162, 174, 179.
44. CSIV 4, 8, pp. 75-76, 86; Gaibrois, Sancho IV 1, clx-clxiii, clxvii, clxx, clxxvii-clxxviii, and III, no. 108, p. lxix; Martín, Salamanca, no. 395, pp. 494-496.
45. CSIV, 1, pp. 69-70; Loaysa, Crónica, 35, p. 114; Fernández, "San Pelayo de Cerrato," no. 11, pp. 299-301.
46. CSIV, 2, p. 72; AM León, no. 24; Procter, Curia, 120, 149, 162, 174, 179.
47. CLC, I, 95-99; Alberto Barrios García et al., Documentación medieval del Archivo n¡unicipal de Alba de Tormes (Salamanca 1982), no. 15, pp. 5 3-56; Rodríguez Díez, Astorga, 857-860; Miguel Vigil, Oviedo, 92-93.
48. Mañueco Villalobos and Zurita Nieto, Santa Maria la Mayor de Valladolid, II, no. 94, pp. 122-124; Gaibrois, Sancho IV , I, clxxx- clxxxviii, and III, no. 173, pp. civ-cv; Yitzbak Baer, A History of the Jews in Christian Spain (Philadelphia 1966), 1,132-133.
49. CSIV, 3-5, pp. 74-79; Loaysa, Crónica, 39-40, pp. 118-120.
50. CSIV, 5, p. 79; CLC, I, 99-106; Pereda Llarena, Burgos 1254-1293, no. 226, pp. 190-194; Menéndez Pidal, Documentos, no. 141, pp. 182-186; González, Colección, V, 226-233; Luis Sánchez Belda, Cartulario de Santo Toribio de Liébana (Madrid 1948), no. 200, pp. 225-226; Martín, Salamanca, no. 412, pp. 519-522; Mañueco Villalobos and Zurita Nieto, Santa Maria la Mayor de Valladolid, III, no. 103, pp. 165-172. The cortes of Burgos 1301 (art. 6) and Zamora 1301 (art. 13) both cite the cortes of Haro.
51. CSIV, 8-9, p. 86; CLC, I, 125; Mercedes Gaibrois, "Tarifa y la política de Sancho 1V de Castilla," BRAH 74 (1919): 418-436, 521-529; 75 (1919): 349-355; 76(1920): 53-77, 123-150,420-448; 77(1920): 192-215.
52. CLC, I,106-117, 117- 130; Valenrín Sáinz Díaz, Notas históricas sobre la villa de San Vicente de la Barquera (Santander 1973), 545-552; Esteban García Chico, Los privilegios de Medina de Rioseco (Valladolid 1933), 220-223; Angel Govantes, Diccionario geográfico-histórico de España: La Rioja (Madrid 1846), no. 30, pp. 313-319; Rodríguez Díez, Astorga, 861-868; Ignacio Jordán del Asso and Miguel de Manuel Rodríguez, Cortes celebradas en los reynados de Don Sancho IV y de Don Fernando IV (Madrid 1775), 1-13; Palacio, Madrid, I, 139- 155; Nieto Cumplido, Regionalismo, no. 20, pp. 155-166; CODOM, 1V no. 153, pp. 135-143.
53. CSIV 12-13, pp. 89-90; Loaysa, Crónica, 57, p. 146.
54. Crónica de Fernando IV, BAE, LXVI (1953), 93-170; Antonio Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV de Castilla (Madrid 1869), I,1-243; César González Mínguez, Fernando IV de Castilla (1295-1312): La guerra civil y el predominio de la nobleza (Valladolid 1976).
55. CLC, I,130-133(1295), 133-135 (prelates, 1295), 135-136 (1297), 139-142(Castile 1299), 142-145 (León 1299), 145-150 (Burgos 1301), 151- 161 (Zamora 1301); BN 1270 fol. 4r-7r (1300); González Mínguez, Fernando IV, no. 3, pp. 352-353 (1298), and "Otro ordenamiento de las Cortes de Valladolid de 1299," Hispania 40(1980): 415-426; MFIV, II, nos. 87, 111,131, 182, pp. 122-123, 157-158, 181-183, 254-257 (1297, 1298, 1299, 1301); Jordán del Asso and Manuel Rodríguez, Cortes, 14-18 (1299); Fernández del Pulgar, Palencia, III, 350-353.
56. MFIV, II, nos. 3-4, pp. 3-13; Luís G. deValdeavellano, "Carta de hermandad entre los concejos de la Extremadura castellana y del arzobispado de Toledo en 1295," Revista portuguesa de historia 12 (1969): 57-76; Guerrero Lafuente, Benavente, no. 7, pp. 437-441.
57. Barrios García, Alba de Tormes, no. 18, pp. 59-61; Josefa Sanz Fuentes, "Cartas de hermandad concejil en Andalucía: El caso de Ecija," HID 5 (1978): no. 1, pp. 413 -418; Agustín Muñoz y Gómez, "Concejos de Córdoba, Sevilla y Jerez de la Frontera. Carta inédita de su hermandad en 1296," BRAH 36 (1900): 306-316; Nieto Cumplido, Regionalismo, nos. 23-25, pp. 169-191; Carmen Argente del Castillo Ocaña, "Las hermandades medievales en el Reino de Jaén," Andalucía medieval 2 (1978): 21-22; Suárez Fernández, "Hermandades," no. 4, pp. 51-55; CODOM, III, no. 112, pp. 110-16; MFIV, II, no. 29, pp. 46-51.
58. CFIV 1, pp. 93-95; CLC, I,130-133; Ubieto Arteta, Cuéllar, no. 44, pp. 100-102; Guerrero Lafuente, Benavente, no. 8, pp. 442-445; Miguel Vigil, Oviedo, no. 67, pp. 107- 108; Rodríguez Díez, Astorga, 722-724; Barrios García, Alba de Tormes, no. 19, pp. 61-64; Fernández del Pulgar, Palencia, III, 349-325; García Chico, Medina de Rioseco, 32-35; Mingüella, Sigiienza, I, 646-647; MFIV, II, no. 177, pp. 263-264; Sáinz Díaz, San Vicente de la Barquera, 46-48; Nieto Cumplido, Regionalismo, no. 22, pp. 168-169.
59. MFIV, II, nos. 3-4, pí~ 3-13; Valdeavellano, "Carta de hermandad," 57-76.
60. CLC, I,135-136, art. 1.
61. CLC, I,133-135; MFIV, II, nos. 17, 22-23, pp. 33-35, 40-42; Mañueco Villalobos and Zurita Nieto, Santa Maria la Mayor de Valladolid, III, no. 125, pp. 288-291; CODOM, V, no. 15, pp. 20-22; Martín, Salamanca, no. 435, pp. 546-548; Fernández del Pulgar, Palencia, II, no. 22, pp. 369-3 70; Pereda Llarena, Documentación de la catedral de Burgos 1294-1316 (Burgos 1984), no. 309, pp. 24-25; Ubieto Arteta, Cuélla; no. 46, pp. 104-106; Loperráez, Osma, III, no. 92, pp. 235-236; Martínez Marina, Teoría, RAE, CCXIX, 88-89.
62. CFIV , 1, pp. 96-106; González Mínguez, Fernando IV, no. 2, pp. 348- 350.
63. See note 57. Fernando Morales Belda, La hermandad de las marismas (Barcelona 1973); MFIV, II, no. 57, pp. 81-85; Sáinz Díaz, San Vicente de la Barquera, 472-477; Gregorio de Balparda, Historia crítica de Vizcaya y sus fueros (Madrid 1924), III, no. 19, pp. 65-69; Álvarez Morales, Hermandades, nos. 3-4, pp. 269-271; González Mínguez, Contribución al estudio de las hermandades en el reinado de Fernando IV de Castilla (Vitoria 1974); Martínez Diez, "La hermandad alavesa," AHDE 43(1973): no. 2, pp. 107-110.
64. CFIV, 1-2, 4-6, 8-9, pp.96, 108, 111, 115-116, 119-122; Loaysa, Crónica, 60-61, 78-83, pp. 152-154, 180-189; MFIV, II, no. 135, pp. 188- 189; Miguel Vigil, Oviedo, nos. 69-70, pp. 110-111; Martín, Salamanca, no. 465, pp. 592-593.
65. CFIV, 6-9, pp. 118-119; CLC, I, 145-150, art. 23 (Burgos 1301), 151-161 (Zamora 1301).
66. CFIV, 8-9, pp. 119-122.
67. CLC, I,161-165 (Medina del Campo 1302), 165-169 (Burgos 1302), 169-172(Medina del Campo 1305, León), 172-179 (1305, Castile), 179-184 (1305, Extremadura), 184-197 (Valladolid 1307), 197-221 (Valladolid 1312); MFIV, II, nos. 332, 335-336, 387, 408, 510, pp. 482-487,490-497, 567-576, 605-607, 732-738; OCallagban, "Las Cortes de Fernando IV: Cuadernos inéditos de Valladolid l300 y Burgos 1308," HID 13(1986): 315-328; CFIV, 16, p. 162; González Díez, Burgos, no. 171, pp. 290-291.
68. CFIV, 10-11, 15, pp. 125-127, 131, 156-159; Giménez Soler, Juan Manuel, nos. 71-72, pp. 184-185; MFIV, II, no. 71, pp. 404-405; Palacio, Madrid, I,181-188; Ubieto Arteta, Cuéllar, no. 54, pp. 120- 125.
69. Prelates: MFIV , II, nos. 541, 543-544, 546, pp. 789-791, 793-799, 800-805. Nobles: CFIV, 19, pp. 168-169; MFIV, II, nos. 510, 560, PP. 736- 737, 822-823; CLC, I, 207-208.
70. CFIV, 8-11,pp. 121-133; CLC, I,161-169; Rodríguez Díez, Astorga, 869-873(Medina del Campo 1302); Barrios García, Alba de Tormes, no. 24, pp. 69-74; Ubieto Arteta, Cuéllar,no. 50, pp. 111-115; MFIV, II, nos. 276- 293, pp. 411-434.
71. CFIV, 13-14, pp. 137-150; CLC, I,169-184(1305); 184-197 (1307); MFIV, II, nos. 332, 335-336 (1305), 387 (1307), pp. 482-487, 490-497, 567- 576; Jordán del Asso and Manuel Rodríguez, Cortes, 18-42 (1305, 1307); González Mínguez, Fernando IV, nos. 20, 24, pp. 366-371, 375-378 (1305, 1307); Palacio, Madrid, II, 189-207 (1307).
72. CLC, I, 197-221; Rodríguez Díez, Astorga, 884-907; MFIV, II, no. 510, pp. 732-738.
73. José Sánchez Herrero, Concilios provinciales y sínodos toledanos de los siglos XIV y XV (Seville 1976), no. 1, pp. 165-172; MFIV, II, nos. 197, 200, 203, 208, 214, pp. 279-280, 283, 285-291, 307, 316; Fernández del Pulgar, Palencia, II, 398-399; Martínez Marina, Teoría, BAE, CCXIX, 201.
74. MFIV, II, nos. 541, 543-544, 546, 560, pp. 789-791, 793-799, 900- 905; Ubieto Arteta, Cuéllar, no. 63, pp. 140- 145; Pereda Llarena, Burgos 1294- 1316, nos. 453-454, pp. 288-296.
75. MFIV, II, nos. 531, 554, pp. 770-773, 816; ES, XVIII, 373-378; Pereda Llarena, Burgos 1294-1316, no. 447, p. 281.
76. CFIV, 15-16, pp. 156-160; Giménez Soler, Juan Manuel, nos. 179, 183, pp. 3 54-358; OCallaghan, "Cortes de Fernando 1V" 324-328; MFIV II, no. 408, pp. 605-607.
77. CFIV, 19, PP. 168-169; MFIV, II, nos. 510, 560, pp. 736-737, 822- 823; CLC, I, 207-208.
78. CFIV 10-11,13-16,20, pp. 133, 139-156, 162, 169; Loaysa, Crónica, 87, p. 195; MFIV, II, nos. 208, 214, 243, 271, 432, 582-583, pp. 307, 316, 365-367,404-405, 639-641, 861-863; Giménez Soler, Juan Manuel, nos. 120, 192-195, pp. 315-3 16, 364-366; Ubieto Arteta, Cuéllar, no. 54, pp. 120- 125; Palacio, Madrid, I,181-188. Cortes of Burgos 1308, art. 3-4,9-11,18, in
OCallaghan, "Cortes de Fernando IV," 324-328.
79. Giménez Soler, Juan Manuel, nos. 192-195, pp. 364-366; MFIV, II, nos. 541, 543-544,546, pp. 789-791, 793-799, 900-905; Valladolid 1312, art. 83.
80. CFIV 17, 20, pp. 163-164,169-170.
81. Crónica de AlfonsoXL BAE, LXVI (1953): 173-392; Gran Crónica de Alfonso XI, ed. Diego Catalán, 2 vols. (Madrid 1977); Poema de Alfonso XI, ed. Yo Ten Cate (Madrid 1956); Esther González Crespo, Colección documental de Alfonso Xl. Diplomas reales conservados en el Archivo Histórico Nacional, Sección de Clero, Pergaminos (Madrid 1985).
82. CLC, I, 221-233 (Juan, Palencia 1313), 233-245 (Maria and Pedro, Palencia 1313), 247-272 (hermandad, 1315), 272-292 (Burgos 1315), 293-299 (prelates, Burgos 1315). Giménez Soler, Juan Manuel, nos. 282, 286-294, 296-298, 302-3 03, 307, pp. 438-448,450-457; Antonio López Ferreiro, Historia de la santa a.m. iglesia de Santiago de Compostela (Santiago 1898-1909), V, no. 58, pp. 165-167; CAXI, 6, p. 178; GCAXI, 7, vol. I, p. 290.
83. Ubieto Arteta, Cuéllar, no. 71, pp. 156-158; López Ferreiro, Historia, no. 61, pp. 175-178; Pereda Llarena, Burgos 1294-1316, no.491, pp. 360- 363; CAXI, 8, p. 180; GCAXI, 10, vol. I, p. 196.
84. CLC, I,330-336 (Medina del Campo 1318), 337-369 (Valladolid 1322), 369-372 (monasteries, 1322); Escalona, Sahagún, no. 287, pp. 645-646; CAXI, 12, 27, pp. 182, 191-192; GCAX1, 16, 34, 37, vol. 1, pp. 307, 345-346, 350, vol. II, 471-472; Poema de Alfonso XI, 75-78, p. 479; Giménez Soler, Juan Manuel, no. 368, pp. 71, 496-498.
85. Juan Ignacio Ruiz de la Peña, "La hermandad leonesa de 1313," León medieval (León 1978), 139-164; Giménez Soler, Juan Manuel, nos. 258, 262- 263, 265-266, pp. 419-420, 422-427; CAXI, 1-2, 6, pp. 174-175, 178; GCAXI, 2-3, 7, vol. I pp. 278-281, 290.
86. Prelates: Martínez Marina, Teoría, BAE, CCXIX, 92; Suárez Fernández, "Hermandades," no. 7, pp. 58-60. Nobles: CLC, I,253,258 (Burgos 1315, art. 9,17).
87. CLC, I, 247-272,300 (Burgos 1315, Cuéllar 1316); Martínez Marina, Teoría, BAE, CCXX, no. 10, pp. 91-103; Miguel Vigil, Oviedo, 296. Hermandades of 1316: CAXI, 9,p. 180; GCAXI, 12, vol. 1, p. 299; Eliseo Sáinz Ripa, Colección diplomática de las colegiatas de Albelda y Logroño, 3 vols. (Logroño 1981), no. 126, pp. 182-190.
88. CLC, I, 299-329 (Carrión 1317); AHN Registro de Escrituras de la Orden de Calatrava, V, fol. 182r-188r, 202r-203r; AM Cuenca, 17-1, fol. 74; CAXI, 15-18, pp. 184-187; GCAXI, 22-25, vol. 1, pp. 322-33 1; Giménez Soler, Juan Manuel, nos. 353-355, pp. 484-488.
89. CAXI, 3-6, 13-14, pp. 175-178, 182-184; GCAXI, 4-7,17-21, vol. I, pp. 280-285, 290, 308-3 19; Poema de Alfonso XI, 51-52, pp. 477-479; CLC, I, 221-233, 233-247; Giménez Soler, Juan Manuel, nos. 303, 307, pp. 451- 457; ES, XXVI, 345; Pereda Llarena, Burgos 1294-1316, no. 474, pp. 327-333.
90. CLC, I,272-292 (Burgos 1315); Martínez Marina, Teoría, BAE, CCXX, no. 11, pp. 104- 113; Barrios García, Alba de Tormes, no. 25, pp. 74-89; CAXI, 15-27, pp. 184-192; GCAXI, 23-24, 37-38, vol. I, pp. 325-346, 350-351, vol. II, pp. 471-472; Poema de Alfonso XI, 75-79, p. 479.
91. CLC, I, 337-372 (Valladolid 1322); CAXI, 28-31, 34-37, pp. 192- 197; GCAXI, 35, 39-43, 45-49, vol. I, pp. 352-353, 355-361, 364-367, 369, vol. II, 473 -475; Poema de Alfonso XI, 91-100, p. 480.
92. Palencia 1313, art. 37 J, art. 31 M; Carrión 1317, art. 69-74; Medina del Campo 1318, art. 9,24; CLC, I,247-272 (Burgos 1315).
93. Palencia 1313, art. 4 J, 10 M; Burgos 1315, art. 4; Carrión 1317, art.10; CAXI, 8,12, 27, 29, 31, pp. 179-182, 191-195; GCAXI, 9-10, 13, 15, 34, 40, 42, vol. I, pp. 295-296, 301, 307, 345-346, 353, 359-360, vol. II, pp. 471- 472; Ubieto Arteta, Cuéllar, no. 71, pp. 156-158; Giménez Soler, Juan Manuel, no. 337, p. 472; Barrios García, Alba de Tormes, no. 29, pp. 97-99.
94. CLC, I, 372-389 (Valladolid 1325), 389-400 (prelates, 1325), 401- 443 (Madrid 1329), 492-593 (Ordinance of Alcalá 1348), 593-626 (Alcalá 1348).
95. AC Toledo, 0.8.B.2.8; AC Sevilla, legajo 4, nos. 18-19; AC Zamora, Museo catedralicio, legajo l0-(C3), nos. 5-6; AC León, Museo catedralicio; López Ferreiro, Historia, VI, nos. 14-15, pp. 61-72; ES, XVI, 253.
96. CLC, I, 443-456 (Burgos 1338), 456-476 (Madrid 1339), 477-483 (Alcalá 1345), 483-492 (Burgos 1345), 627-637 (León 1345); CAXI, 253-255, pp. 330-331; GCAXI, 332-335, vol. II, pp. 443-449 (Llerena 1340).
97. CAXI,99-101, pp.233-235; GCAXI, l20-122, vol. II, pp.506-514; Poema de Alfonso XI, 388-396, p. 489.
98. CAXI, 95, 154-155, 177, 260-263, pp. 231, 273-275,287,336-338; GCAXI, 118, 176-177, vol. I, pp. 500-501, vol. II, PP. 124-127; Rafael Floranes, Memorias y privilegios de la muy noble y muy leal ciudad de Vitoria (Madrid 1922), 222-223.
99. Valladolid 1325, art. 40; 1325, art. 10 P; CAXI, 38-39, 41-42, pp. 198-200; GCAXI, 50-51, 53-54, vol. I, pp. 373-377, 379-381; Giménez Soler, Juan Manuel, nos. 385-386, 388-391, 395, 403-406, pp. 506-510, 512-514, 5 19-523, 673-674.
100. CLC, I,401-437 (Madrid 1329); CAXI, 48-75, 78, 80, 82, pp. 202- 220, 222-224; GCAXI, 72-97, 99, 101, 103, vol. I, pp.411-459, 462-463, 467-468,472-473; Giménez Soler, Juan Manuel, nos. 4 13-472, 476, pp. 527- 575; Salvador de Moxó, "La promoción política y social de los letrados en la corte de Alfonso XI," Hispania 35 (1975): 5-29.
101. González, Colección, V, no. 107, pp. 319-320; López Ferreiro, Historia, VI, nos. 14-15, pp.61-72; ES, XVI, 253; CAXI, 40, 80-82, pp. 199, 222-224; GCAXI, 52, 101, 103, vol. I, pp. 378, 467-468, 472 -473.
102. CAXI, 81-91, 95-97, 111, 128, 154-155, 177, pp. 223-228, 230- 231, 245, 259, 273-274, 287; GCAXI, 102-112, 116-117, 226-250, vol. I, pp. 470-490, 496-499, vol. II, pp. 16-76.
103. CLC, I, 443-456 (Burgos 1338), 456-476 (Madrid 1339); CAXI, 196, 243, 253-255, pp. 292-293, 318-319, 330-331; GCAXI, 213, 296, 332-335, vol. II, pp. 196-197, 349-352, 443-449.
104. CAXJ, 260-263, 336, pp. 336-338, 389; CLC, I, 477-483 (Alcalá 1345), 483-492 (Burgos 1345), 627-637 (León 1345).
105. CLC, I, 492-593 (Ordinance of Alcalá 1348), 593-626 (Alcalá 1348); CAXI, 338-339, pp. 390-392; Ignacio Jordán del Asso and Miguel de Manuel Rodríguez, El Ordenamiento de Leyes (Madrid 1774).
106. Harold V. Livermore, A New History of Portugal (Cambridge 1966), 81 -83; Thomas N. Bisson, The Medieval Crown of Aragon: A Short History (Oxford 1986), 88, 90-92, 107-109.
107. Joseph R. Strayer, The Reign of Philip the Fair (Princeton 1980), 271- 272, 286.
108. R. G. Davies and J. H. Denton, eds. The English Parliament in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia 1981).